Ignoring Tibet is dangerous for India

Tarini Mehta

In this exclusive article, Tarini Mehta of Friends of Tibet documents Chinese repression on the Roof of the World, and wonders whether New Delhi’s “quiet surrender” to China bodes well for the subcontinent. ‘Are we simply going to stand by and watch while a great nation is systematically plundered and destroyed?’ she asks.

Over the past few days over a hundred Tibetans protesting Chinese rule over their country have been killed. In the face of this crisis the world has once again woken up to the reality of the Tibet issue. Can we say that the age of colonialism has ended when there are nations still controlled against their will by another?

Tibet, once a sovereign state with a unique system of government, culture, language and religion was invaded in 1949 by 35,000 Chinese troops. What followed was a large-scale massacre of the Tibetan people and their traditions. Over 1.2 million Tibetans have been killed from 1949-79. And now while we watch more numbers will be added to the list. It is also important to note that the Fourth Geneva Convention, which China has ratified makes irrelevant China's claims to sovereignty over Tibet.

Perhaps only older generations of Indians can truly understand what it feels like to be ruled by a foreign nation. We also just recently won our freedom through a movement much like that of the Tibetans, and our nation has been built on the ideals of freedom and democracy. Yet, Tibetans are not allowed to protest against China in India.

Right now hundreds of Tibetans are held prisoner all over India. Their crime? Demanding human rights and freedom. Tibetans are here only because they are refugees, and their sole desire is naturally to return to their homeland. The Indian Government should for the sake of justice allow them to work to get their country back.

The case for the Tibetan movement becomes stronger when we see the kind of life they live under Chinese rule. There is no freedom of assembly, religion or speech. Tibetans cannot even carry pictures of their supreme spiritual leader the Dalai Lama, for a simple crime such as this or even just shouting ‘Free Tibet’ they are given long sentences in prison. Torture is still used in prisons and labour camps in Tibet, even though in 1988 China ratified the UN Convention against torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment.

In November 2005 the United Nations Special Reporter on torture visited China and Tibet and confirmed that torture was still very widespread, leading to a “culture of fear”. He vividly describes the kinds of torture that take place:

“beatings; use of electric shock batons; guard-instructed or permitted beatings by fellow prisoners; use of handcuffs or ankle fetters for extended periods…submersion in pits of water or sewage; exposure to…extreme heat or cold, being forced to maintain uncomfortable positions…for long, deprivation of sleep, food…water; prolonged solitary confinement; denial of medical treatment and medication; hard labour…suspension from overhead fixtures from handcuffs…”

Many Indians feel sympathetic about the suffering of the Tibetans, but ask why they should endanger themselves for another country. The fact is that by ignoring the situation in Tibet, India is putting itself in grave danger. China’s activities in Tibet since 1949 pose a grave threat as problems in Tibet have major trans-boundary effects.

Nearly half of the global population depends on the rivers of Tibet for survival and one of the most concerning projects being undertaken now is the diversion of the Brahmaputra, which could cause major water shortage in India and Bangladesh. China is also reported to have stationed approximately 90 nuclear warheads in Tibet, and the Ninth Academy, China’s academy for nuclear research located in Amdo, Tibet, has dumped a large quantity of radio active waste in a haphazard, dangerous manner.

The potential for devastation will increase as China continues such hazardous activities. One can only imagine the future crisis this will create. Tibet acted as a buffer zone between India and China and now that this is gone we are open to many dangers. It is in India’s interest if Tibet is returned to the Tibetans and becomes a ‘zone of peace’ as the Dalai Lama wishes.

Are we simply going to stand by and watch while a great nation is systematically plundered and destroyed? Has our government ‘quietly surrendered’ to China as George Fernandes points out in his press statement released today. This issue is not merely a domestic matter between China and Tibet, but as the International Commission of Jurists point out “What is at stake is the very existence of Tibet as a member of the family of nations, and this matter concerns the whole family of nations.”

Before it is too late let us take a stand on this issue, put pressure on governments and support the Tibetan movement for freedom and justice.

Tibet is not China's 'internal affair'

Bhaskar Roy

Bhaskar Roy, who retired recently as a senior government official with decades of national and international experience, is an expert on international relations and Indian strategic interests.

Talking to Tibetan delegates at the recently concluded first session of the 11th National People’s Congress (NPC) in Beijing, President Hu Jintao cautioned “the stability in Tibet concerns the stability of the country, and the safety in Tibet concerns the safety of the country”.

Hu Jintao also urged the deputies from Tibet to look after the welfare of the Tibetans, improve work related to religious and ethnic groups, and maintain “social harmony” and stability in the region.

In the context of China’s usual response to a perceived threat, Hu Jintao was restrained. But his message was sharp and clear: no opposition will be tolerated.

Tibet Special: Blood on the roof of the world | Images: Trouble in Tibet

The Tibetan demonstrations in the run up to the Beijing Olympic games this August was not unexpected. But, perhaps, Beijing underestimated the scale of it. The Tibetan diaspora has long been calling for the boycott of the Beijing Olympics. Obviously, they did not expect that the games would be boycotted by any country, unlike the Moscow Olympics of 1980. What they really wanted was to highlight the issue of Tibetan situation on a wide scale and specifically draw international attention to human rights violations in Tibet, the Sinicisation of Tibet, and the “genocide” of Tibetan history and culture.

Independence for Tibet has now gone beyond realistic expectations, despite the abundance of proof that mainland China gradually through political machinations and military power, usurped the country Tibet once was.

That is the main reason that the 14th Dalai Lama abandoned in the mid-1980s the struggle for independence and opted for “real autonomy.”

The main backer for Tibet’s independence, the US, also changed tracks in the 1970s and 1980s following the normalisation of diplomatic relations between Washington and Beijing. Late Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping’s “reform and opening up” policy in 1978-79 opened up a market which the world could hardly ignore. In return, these friends of the Tibetan people and the Dalai Lama diluted support for them.

Taking all this into consideration, the demand for “independence” was brought down to “autonomy”.

But while the “independence” script has been wiped off the slate, much else remains to be addressed by the Chinese, the Tibetans and the international community.

Both the pro-independence Tibetans and the Chinese government are going through extended difficult times. For the two, time is of essence. The protests that started in the Tibetan capital Lhasa on and around March 10, 2008 can be described as unprecedented since the 1959 uprising against the Chinese occupation, which eventually forced the Dalai Lama to flee to India with a group of his followers.

Then followed the exodus of Tibetan refugees from Tibet mainly to India. The Chinese crackdown of the Tibetans in 1959 was far stronger than what is being seen now. The Chinese security forces are still restraining themselves because of the upcoming Olympic games and the scrutiny of the international community.

In 1959, China was a closed country. Today, it is greatly interwoven with the world, at least economically. Nevertheless, Beijing is most likely to stifle the Tibetans in Tibet through overwhelming force. Interdependence brings compromise. But when its perceived interests are infringed upon, Beijing does not pull its punches.

The reason why the Tibetans are becoming anxious and restive is that unless something is done, they feel they would be obliterated in the Tibet Autonomous Region (AR) and the Tibetan autonomous prefectures in neighbouring provinces of China.

Over the years there have been increasing influx of Han settlers in Tibet, mainly in Lhasa. Tibetan businesses are being taken over by Han traders, who get special incentives from the government to settle in Tibet.

Education is getting increasingly Sinicised, with Chinese language pushing out the Tibetan language. Without Chinese language there are no jobs to be had. Tibetans do not rise to high positions in government jobs even in Tibet. Even those who enter government services are required to denounce the Dalai Lama and swear total allegiance to the Chinese government.

Tibetans should not have any quarrel with swearing their commitment to the Chinese government. This prevails in most countries in the world. But denouncing the Dalai Lama is another issue altogether.

The Chinese must, and do, understand that the Dalai Lama is not only the undisputed spiritual mentor of millions of Tibetans, but he lives in their breath and soul. Swayed by their own propaganda, the leaders in Beijing may think that they have won over a large number of Tibetans. But that is hardly the reality. Tibetan officials and deputies secretly worship the Dalai Lama in the confines of their homes.

China claims that its Constitution allows freedom of religion. This is far from true in reality. Practice of religion is strictly controlled by the state and the Party. Practice of religion, that is prayers, can be done in designated places. No one can preach religion. It is against the law.

Prohibition against even keeping a photograph of the Dalai Lama gives lie to the Chinese claim of freedom of religion. To the Tibetans, the Dalai Lama is Living God. The Chinese seen him politically as a separatist or “splittist”.

The Chinese authorities generally feel that after the death of the current Dalai Lama, the Tibetan problem would gradually fade away. From 2002 till now, the Dalai Lama’s delegation held six rounds of talks with the Chinese authorities on the issue of autonomy to Tibet and Tibetan areas outside the Autonomous Region. This shows the second compromise by the Dalai Lama. The original Tibet, known as the Greater Tibet, was sliced by the Chinese and amalgamated with neighbouring states like Gansu and Sichuan. The Dalai Lama does not claim Greater Tibet any longer.

But the talks did not yield any results. Suddenly, from around 2005, the Chinese authorities reverted to the hardline position, especially after the posting of the new Tibet Autonomous Region Party chairman Zhang Qinling. Zhang comes from the Communist Youth League (CYL), President Hu Jintao’s main constituency. He was supposed have subdued the Tibetans.

The Chinese have now accused the Dalai Lama of fomenting the riots in Lhasa. The Chinese fix a target and launch a relentless propaganda against him or her. India’s first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, still remains a favourite whipping boy of the Chinese official media on the Sino-Indian border issue.

The Dalai Lama is similarly targeted as “evil”, a man whose sole aim is break up China. In the 1980s, the Dalai Lama was projected as a “serpent,” and the official propaganda called for “crushing the serpent’s head.”

But the Chinese may be missing the woods for the trees. The Dalai Lama is the sobering factor of the Tibet issue. No one, not even the Chinese authorities, can deny that the Tibet issue is real and may be snowballing.

With the Chinese army and security personnel coming down heavily in Lhasa after the deadline for surrender to the so-called miscreants ended on Sunday-Monday midnight, the Dalai Lama put up his hands. He could not control the Tibetan-monks, nuns, laymen any longer.

For quite a few years now the Tibetan diaspora, especially the youth, have expressing disillusionment with the Dalai Lama’s “middle path” approach. They found that there was concession from one side only and the Tibetan people and culture was gradually being decimated by the Chinese.

The Tibetan youth have just formed a new organisation, the “Tibet Youth Uprising”. What this organisation would do or not do is not the issue, It only shows disenchantment of the Tibetan diaspora with the Dalai Lama’s approach of conceding to the Chinese step by step. This, however, does not mean these Tibetans are resorting to militancy.

The Chinese should take note of these developments. They can squash this uprising in Lhasa with the force of massive armed power. But they cannot ensure that they will be able to permanently do away with this problem.

On the other hand, the Chinese leaders have a problem. They naturally want that the Beijing Olympics in August goes through without untoward incidents. This is the Chinese Communist Party’s biggest show of pride, prestige, development and power. It is also a political issue internally.

The Committee for preparing for the Olympics was headed by Hu Jintao. He is the President, the Party Chief and Head of the Military. He has just handed over this responsibility at the NPC Session to Xi Jinping, hisselected successor. This shows how important is the success of the Olympics to the Chinese leadership.

How the game is conducted will have profound impact on the careers of both these men.

India, meanwhile, is caught in a difficult situation. It has the largest population of Tibetan refugees, and of course, the Dalai Lama. Groups of Tibetans are trying to march into Tibet from India. At the same time, the Chinese have not exactly decorated themselves with honour while dealing with the Tibetans.

Forced to take a stand, New Delhi diplomatically called for dialogue and peace. The Chinese pressure is mounting on the Indian government to restrain the Tibetans and close the borders to Tibet. There was no need for this. India’s policy is not to involve itself in Tibetan politics, and this has been demonstrated adequately.

Premier Wan Jiabao’s open message of March 18, 2008 to the government of India on the Tibetan demonstrators in India was decisively stern, and appropriately rejected by the people of India. Wen told a press conference in Beijing that he hoped that the government of India would follow agreements between the two countries and “handle the issue in a correct way”.

China’s way of dealing “correctly” with peaceful demonstrators is to kill them. No one has forgotten the 1989 Tiananmen Square incident.

India’s “correct” way is to deal with protestors with utmost restraint and humanely. China’s Premier must note the difference in dealing with such issues between China and the rest of the democratic world.

Whether China admits it or not, the Tibetan issue has never been, and still isn’t, an internal affair of China, simply because they are trying to bury a live civilisation.

The 1959 Tibetan Uprising: Rebels with a Cause

Claude Arpi

Born in Angoulame, France, Claude Arpi's real quest began 36 years ago with a journey to the Himalayas. Since then he has been an enthusiastic student of the history of Tibet, China and the subcontinent. He is the author of numerous English and French books including. His book, ‘Tibet: the lost Frontier’ (Lancers Publishers) was released recently.

Fifty years is long in the life of a man. It is long also for a nation.

Fifty years ago, on March 10, 1959, the population of Lhasa, the Tibetan capital revolted against the Chinese Communist invaders. A few days later, the Dalai Lama, the temporal and spiritual leader of the Tibetan people fled his country. Since then, he lives as a refugee in India.

Ironically, it was a Chinese communiqué issued in Beijing on March 28, 1959 by the New China News Agency which gave a stunned world the first details of the uprising ('rebellion' in Communist jargon). “Violating the will of the Tibetan people and betraying the motherland, the Tibetan Local Government and the upper-strata reactionary clique colluded with imperialism-assembled rebellious bandits and launched armed attacks against the People's Liberation Army (PLA) garrison in Lhasa during the night of March 19. Acting on orders to put the rebellion down, the valiant units of the PLA stationed in Tibet completely smashed the rebellious bandits in the city of Lhasa on the 22nd. Now, the units of the PLA, assisted by patriotic people of ail sections, both monks and lay, are mopping up the rebellious bandits in other places in Tibet,” the communiqué said.

50 years in exile: View slideshow

The 'rebellious bandits' had attempted to defend their culture against the onslaught of an atheist power and save the life of their revered leader.

But let us return to a few days before this date.

Tibet had already been under occupation for nine years when in early 1959, the situation begun to deteriorate.

The watershed was when General Tan Guansan, commandant of the Chinese forces in Lhasa, invited the Dalai Lama to attend a theatrical performance inside the Chinese headquarters. A strange condition had been added: he should come without his bodyguards.

Also read: Tibet is not China's 'internal affair'

Speaking in third person, the Dalai Lama later explained: "The Dalai Lama had agreed a month in advance to attend a cultural show in the Chinese headquarters and the date was suddenly fixed for the 10th of March. The people of Lhasa became apprehensive that some harm might be done to the Dalai Lama and as a result about 10,000 people gathered round the Dalai Lama's summer palace, Norbulingka, and physically prevented the Dalai Lama from attending the function. …In spite of this demonstration from the people, the Dalai Lama and his government endeavoured to maintain friendly relations with the Chinese and tried to carry out negotiations with the Chinese representatives on how best to bring about peace in Tibet and assuage the people's anxiety.”

Also read: ‘Ignoring Tibet is dangerous for India’

But the situation was quickly getting out of control. At a loss, the young Dalai Lama tried for a few days to keep a channel of communication open with both sides. His heart was with his people, but he knew the ruthlessness of the Chinese. He wanted at any cost to avoid a bloodbath. Was it still possible?

He gained some time by writing a series of letters to General Tan. He thought that this could perhaps temporally pacify the Chinese official and his bosses in Beijing, though he also knew that he would have to soon take a plunge.

For many years, the Dalai Lama had to bend backward to avoid repressive acts from the Communist officials; his scope to maneuver was limited. The Tibetans were in a no-win situation; the pressure mounted; people were increasingly resentful and anguished at the ruthless occupation of their country.

On March 17, during a trance, the Nechung State Oracle ordered the Dalai Lama to immediately leave his country. At the same time, two or three mortar shells which were fired in the direction of the Norbulingka palace, fell in a nearby pond. For the Dalai Lama, the mortar shells were the Gods' confirmation that he should follow the Oracle's advice. The time had come for him to leave Tibet.

The young Tibetan leader had thought that he could establish a government in South Tibet and negotiate with the Chinese. The Gods however decided otherwise. Still in trance, the Nechung drew the road to be followed by the Dalai Lama's party on a piece of paper. He had to cross the Indian border near Tawang (in today's Arunachal Pradesh).

The Great Escape

At night, under disguise, the Dalai Lama managed to sneak out of the Norbulingka Palace without being seen. He was later joined on the opposite side of the Kyi Chu river by several members of his family and his Khampa bodyguards. They crossed the river without being noticed by the Chinese troops stationed in a camp nearby and began their flight southward. While the news of the Dalai Lama's departure was still a well-guarded secret, fighting broke out in Lhasa; it lasted for two days.

On March 21 at 2.00 am, the Chinese fired more than 800 shells at the Norbulingka Palace. Thousands of men, women and children camping in the vicinity were slaughtered and the residences of hundreds of officials living in the complex destroyed. The Dalai Lama's bodyguard regiment was disarmed and publicly machine-gunned; according to the Tibetan government in exile, over 86,000 Tibetans in Central Tibet were killed by the Chinese during this period.The 'bandits' had been smashed.

One of the greatest tragedies of the 20th century unfolded while the world remained blissfully unaware. The information would take some more time to cross the mighty Himalayas.

The First Statements

It was only a few days later that the Chinese discovered that the Dalai Lama had made good his escape. They reacted violently. As the Chinese communiqué explained: “In order to wipe out the rebel bandits thoroughly, the State Council has ordered the units of the Chinese PLA stationed in Tibet to assume military control in various places in Tibet. The tasks of the Military Control Committees are: to suppress the rebellion; to protect the people and the foreign nationals who observe the laws of China; …to organise self-defence armed forces of patriotic Tibetans to replace the old Tibetan Army of only a little more than 3,000 men who are rotten to the core, utterly useless in fighting and who have turned rebel.”

Also read: Tibet: A road to nowhere

For the first time since the Liberation Army had entered Tibet in 1950, the Chinese government had admitted to disturbances and widespread revolts against the Chinese occupiers in Tibet.

It was something new for Mao. During the days of the Long March, he had always been welcomed as a hero by the masses. Wherever the Liberation Army went, common people received them as liberators and provided food and logistic support. In Tibet, for the first the time, the masses did not accept Mao’s 'liberation' forces.

The Communist propaganda continued to explain that it was only a serfs' rebellion against the 'upper strata Dalai's clique', but the 10 March incident was actually a movement of the masses to protect their religious leader and save their culture.

Sadly, 50 years later, the Chinese authorities still attribute the deep resentment of the Tibetan population against the Han presence in Tibet to the 'Dalai clique.'

In India, The uprising was mentioned for the first time in the Lok Sabha on March 23, 1959, when Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru made a statement. At that time, news was sparse as the only channel of communication was from the Indian Mission in Lhasa, through wireless.

Major L S Chhibber, the Indian Consul had rightly decided not to interfere, said Nehru. This sentence represents the dichotomy of the Indian Government: on one hand, no interference, but 10 days later, tens of thousands of Tibetans were offered asylum by India (a gesture which China even today considers to be a gross interference in its 'internal affairs').

The Dalai Lama's flight, reported in his two biographies, is too well known a tale to be recounted here.

It is however worth mentioning the last moments of his incredible journey. After a few days rest at Lhuntse Dzong, near the Indian border, he sent two of his officials to contact the Government of India and seek asylum for himself and his party. Asylum was immediately granted.

Also read: As Dalai Lama gains, Tibetans lose

He later stated: "The Dalai Lama is deeply touched by the kind greeting extended to him on his safe arrival in India by the Prime Minister Shri Jawaharlal Nehru, and his colleagues in the Government of India."

A new life started. A few days later, hundreds of journalists waited for him at his arrival in Tezpur, Assam. He was officially received by a senior MEA official, P N Menon, father of the present Foreign Secretary Shiv Shankar Menon.